The structure of words at the interfaces

Description

This volume takes a variety of approaches to the question 'what is a word?', with particular emphasis on where in the grammar wordhood is determined. Chapters in the book all start from the assumption that structures at, above, and below the 'word' are built in the same derivational system: there is no lexicalist grammatical subsystem dedicated to word-building. This type of framework foregrounds the difficulty in defining wordhood. Questions such as whether there are restrictions on the size of structures that distinguish words from phrases, or whether there are combinatory operations that are specific to one or the other, are central to the debate. In this respect, chapters in the volume do not all agree. Some propose wordhood to be limited to entities defined by syntactic heads, while others propose that phrasal structure can be found within words. Some propose that head-movement and adjunction (and Morphological Merger, as its mirror image) are the manner in which words are built, while others propose that phrasal movements are crucial to determining the order of morphemes word-internally. All chapters point to the conclusion that the phonological domains that we call words are read off of the morphosyntactic structure in particular ways. It is the study of this interface, between the syntactic and phonological modules of Universal Grammar, that underpins the discussion in this volume. Content: Cover The Structure of Words at the Interfaces Copyright Contents General preface List of abbreviations List of contributors 1: Introduction 1.1 What is a word? 1.2 Approaches to word formation within a syntactic framework 1.3 A typology of word formation approaches 1.4 The chapters 1.5 Conclusion 1.6 Some outstanding questions Acknowledgements 2: Nested phase interpretation and the PIC 2.1 Against the PIC 2.1.1 Phase domains 2.1.2 PIC evidence 2.2 Evidence against the PIC 2.2.1 Late Adjunction 2.2.2 Agree and Move 2.2.3 Post-spell-out movement 2.3 Implications of the elimination of the PIC for the PF branch2.3.1 Late Adjunction revisited 2.3.2 Lower-copy spell-out 2.4 Pure phonology and the PIC 2.4.1 Phonosyntactic mismatches in Ojibwe 2.4.2 Infixation 2.4.3 Phonological conclusions 2.5 Conclusion Acknowledgements 3: Wordhood and word-internal domains 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Spell-out and head movement 3.2.1 Background 3.2.2 Post-spell-out head movement: Malagasy 3.2.3 Phases and inalienable DPs 3.2.4 Phases and floated quantifiers 3.2.5 Phases and cyclicity 3.2.5.1 Internal Merge of heads 3.2.5.2 External Merge of heads3.2.5.3 Merge of two heads with no projection 3.2.6 Wordhood and the nature of words 3.3 Reconciling some syntax-phonology mismatches 3.3.1 Introduction of PF movement 3.3.2 PF movement in Maybrat 3.3.3 PF movement in Mangap-Mbula 3.3.4 PF movement in Ojibwe 3.4 Conclusion Acknowledgements 4: Syntactic domain types and PF effects 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Syntactic phases 4.3 Phonological evidence for phases in Ojibwe 4.3.1 Intermediate/word-internal phases 4.3.1.1 Footing and secondary stress assignment 4.3.1.2 Vowel hiatus resolution 4.3.2 Final phases4.3.2.1 Independent prosodic word boundaries 4.3.2.2 Main stress assignment 4.4 Apocope and T-Palatalization: An ordering paradox 4.4.1 Apocope and T-Palatalization 4.4.2 Animate intransitive verb -i (T-PalFLVD) 4.4.3 Participle -i (FLVDT-Pal) 4.4.4 Derivation of participle clauses 4.5 Conclusion 5: Exceptions to the Mirror Principle and morphophonological `action at a distance:́ The role of `word-́internal phrasal mo... 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Calculating depth of embedding and temporal order of Vocabulary Insertion 5.3 Case studies 5.3.1 Spirantization in Nyakusa 5.3.2 Optionality in Ndebele reduplication and the order of Vocabulary Insertion5.3.2.1 Ndebele reduplication: An introduction 5.3.2.2 The interaction between reduplication and affix order in Ndebele 5.3.3 Sanskrit: Prefixal particles, the past tense augment, and ruki at a distance 5.3.4 Conclusion to section 5.3 5.4 Phonological wordhood: On squishing, head-banging, and glomming 5.5 Conclusion Acknowledgements 6: Quantitative component interaction: Data from Tagalog nasal substitution 6.1 Introduction: Quantitative component interaction 6.2 Tagalog nasal substitution background