Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon

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This book is a revised version of my dissertation ‘The Hittite Inherited Lexicon’, which was written between September 2002 and December 2006 as a Ph.D. thesis at the research institutes CNWS and LUCL at Leiden University. I would like to thank the staff of both institutes for their help and support. It has been a privilege to have had the opportunity to work for four years on a topic so interesting and exciting as Hittite and its linguistic history. I have especially enjoyed the combination of palaeography, philology and synchronic and diachronic linguistics, and hope the reader will share my enthusiasm for this captivating subject. This book could not have been written without the help of many, and I therefore want to express my gratitude to the following persons. My promotor, Jos Weitenberg, who first taught me Hittite and who in his typically warm-hearted and amiable style supervised the writing of my dissertation. My teachers Sasha Lubotsky and Rob Beekes who have initiated me into the fine art of comparative Indo-European linguistics Leiden-style and taught me to distinguish between possibility, probability and provability. Frits Kortlandt, whose work has been of great influence to me and with whom I have had many strenuous yet mind-blowing hours of discussion on the implications of the Hittite material for Proto-Indo-European. Theo van den Hout, with whom I studied Hittite and other Anatolian languages at the University of Amsterdam and who has always been very helpful, also after his crossing to Chicago. My colleagues and friends at the department of Comparative Indo-European Linguistics at Leiden University, who were always willing to share with me their expertise but who also have provided the gezelligheid that is necessary to go to work every day happily: Rick Derksen (I hope to keep on sharing an office with you for many more years!), Guus Kroonen, Michael Peyrot, Tijmen Pronk, Michiel de Vaan, Hratch Martirosyan and Lucien van Beek. My Dutch fellow hittitologists Willemijn Waal and Han de Roos, on whom I am counting to help reanimate Anatolian Studies in the Netherlands. My group of close friends, with whom I hope to be having many more drinking nights at Van Engelen and go on hilarious holiday trips. And lastly, my father, mother, brother and sister, who have supported me in all the choices I have taken in life and have always believed in my abilities. This book therefore is dedicated to them. I am indebted to Jos Weitenberg, Sasha Lubotsky, Frits Kortlandt, Rob Beekes, Craig Melchert (who kindly was willing to act as the external referee for my dissertation) and Norbert Oettinger for reading the manuscript and providing many useful comments and additions. Leiden, September Table of contentd Preface Abbreviations and symbols GENERAL INTRODUCTION 0.1 Aim of this work 0.2 The study of Hittite 0.3 Dating of texts 0.4 Methods of transcription 0.5 Anatolian language family 0.6 The place of the Anatolian branch within PIE PART ONE: TOWARDS A HITTITE HISTORICAL GRAMMAR Introduction CHAPTER ONE: HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 1.1 Proto-Indo-European phoneme inventory 1.2 Proto-Anatolian phoneme inventory 1.3 Hittite phoneme inventory 1.3.1 Cuneiform script 1.3.2 Stops 1.3.3 Glottal stop 1.3.4 Affricate 1.3.5 Fricatives 1.3.6 Resonants 1.3.7 Syllabic resonants 1.3.8 Semi-vowels 1.3.9 Vowels 1.3.9.1 Plene spelling 1.3.9.2 E/I-Ambiguity 1.3.9.3 Plene spelling of E and I 1.3.9.4 The signs U and Ú 1.3.9.4a Word-initially before vowels 1.3.9.4b Word-initially before consonants 1.3.9.4c Word-internally between consonant and vowel 1.3.9.4d Word-internally between vowels 1.3.9.4e Word-internally between vowel and consonant 1.3.9.4f Word-internally between consonants Overview of interconsonantal reflexes 1.3.9.4g Word-finally after consonants 1.3.9.4h Word-finally after vowels 1.3.9.5 Conclusions regarding U and Ú 1.3.9.6 Epenthetic vowels 1.3.10 Overview of the Hittite phoneme inventory 1.4 Changes from PIE to Hittite 1.4.1 Lenition 1.4.2 Fortition 1.4.3 Stops 1.4.3.1 *p 1.4.3.2 *b 1.4.3.3 *bh 1.4.3.4 *t 1.4.3.5 *d 1.4.3.6 *dh 1.4.3.7 *к 1.4.3.8 *g 1.4.3.9 *gh 1.4.3.10 *k 1.4.3.11 *g 1.4.3.12 *gh 1.4.3.13 *kw 1.4.3.14 *gw 1.4.3.15 *gwh 1.4.4 Fricative: *s . 1.4.5 Laryngeals 1.4.6 Liquids 1.4.6.1 *l 1.4.6.2 *r 1.4.7 Nasals 1.4.7.1 *m 1.4.7.2 *n 1.4.8 Semi-vowels 1.4.8.1 *i 1.4.8.2 *u 1.4.9 Vowels 1.4.9.1 *e 1.4.9.2 *ё 1.4.9.3 *o 1.4.9.4 *о 1.4.10 Diphthongs 1.4.10.1 *ei 1.4.10.2 *ёi 1.4.10.3 *oi 1.4.10.4 *оi 1.4.10.5 *eu 1.4.10.6 *ёu 1.4.10.7 *ou 1.4.10.8 *оu CHAPTER TWO: ASPECTS OF HISTORICAL MORPHOLOGY 2.1 The Hittite nominal system 2.1.1 Thematic stems 2.1.2 Consonant stems 2.1.2.1 i-stems and u-stems 2.1.2.2 ai-stems and au-stems 2.1.2.3 t-stems 2.1.2.4 s-stems 2.1.2.5 b-stems 2.1.2.6 *m-stems 2.1.2.7 n-stems 2.1.2.8 r-stems 2.1.2.9 r/n-stems 2.1.2.10 nt-stems 2.1.2.11 it-stems 2.1.3 Root nouns 2.2 The Hittite system of personal pronouns 2.2.1 The Anatolian system: the singular forms 2.2.2 The Anatolian system: the plural forms 2.3 The Hittite verbal system 2.3.1 Basic division and sub-grouping 2.3.2 The active verbs 2.3.2.1 I = mi-conjugation 2.3.2.1a Ia = unextended ablauting mi-verbs 2.3.2.1b Ia1 mi-verbs with e/Ø-ablaut 2.3.2.1c Ia2 mi-verbs with a/Ø-ablaut 2.3.2.1d Ia3 mi-verbs with e/a-ablaut: the e/a-class 2.3.2.1e Ia4 mi-verbs with a/a-“ablaut” 2.3.2.1f Ia5 mi-verbs with e/i-ablaut 2.3.2.1g Ia6 tamašš-zi / tame/išš- ‘to (op)press’ 2.3.2.1h Ia7 paji-zi / pai- ‘to go’ 2.3.2.1i Ablautpattern of the Ia-verbs 2.3.2.1j Ib = non-ablauting mi-verbs 2.3.2.1k Ib1 unextended non-ablauting mi-verbs 2.3.2.1l Ib2 mi-verbs in -ё-, -ёšš- and -nu- 2.3.2.1m Ib3 non-ablauting mi-verbs with n/Ø-alteration 2.3.2.1n Ic = mi-verbs with a thematic suffix 2.3.2.1o Ic1 mi-verbs in -je/a-: the -je/a-class 2.3.2.1p Ic2 mi-verbs in -ae-/-a-: the batrae-class 2.3.2.1q Ic3 mi-verbs in -aje/a-: the taje/a-class 2.3.2.1r Ic4 mi-verbs in -uуe/a- 2.3.2.1s Ic5 уašše/a-zi ‘to dress’ 2.3.2.1t Ic6 imperfectives in -ške/a- 2.3.2.2 II = ḫi-conjugation 2.3.2.2a IIa = ablauting ḫi-verbs 2.3.2.2b IIa1a ḫi-verbs with а/Ø-ablaut 2.3.2.2c IIa1b ḫi-verbs with а/Ø-ablaut 2.3.2.2d IIa1у the tarn(a)-class 2.3.2.2e IIa2 ḫi-verbs with а/a-ablaut 2.3.2.2f IIa3 ḫi-verbs with а/i-ablaut 2.3.2.2g IIa4 ḫi-verbs in -ai-/-i-: the dаi/tijanzi-class 2.3.2.2h IIa5 ḫi-verbs in -a-/-i-: the mёma/i-class 2.3.2.2i Ablautpattern of the IIa-verbs 2.3.2.2j IIb = non-ablauting ḫi-verbs 2.3.3 The middle verbs 2.3.3.1 IIIa *CéC-o 2.3.3.2 IIIb *CéC-to 2.3.3.3 IIIc *CC-ó 2.3.3.4 IIId *CC-tó 2.3.3.5 IIIc/d *CC-(t)ó 2.3.3.6 IIIe *CéC-o (impersonals) 2.3.3.7 IIIf *CC-ó (impersonals) 2.3.3.8 IIIg middle verbs in -je/a-tta(ri) 2.3.3.9 IIIh other middle verbs 2.3.4 Excursus: The Prehistory of the Nasal-infixed verbs PART TWO: ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY OF THE HITTITE INHERITED LEXICON Introduction A E Ḥ I K L M N P Š T U Ụ Z Bibliography Indices