New Perspectives on Historical Latin Syntax: Volume 3 Constituent Syntax: Quantification, Numerals, Possession, Anaphora

Description

New Perspectives on Historical Latin Syntax: Constituent Syntax (Quantification, Numerals, Possession, Anaphora) is the third of four volumes dealing with the long-term evolution of Latin syntax, roughly from the 4th century BCE up to the 6th century CE. Essentially an extension of Volume 2, Volume 3 concentrates on additional subsentential syntactic phenomena and their long-term evolution from the earliest texts up to the Late Latin period. Included in Volume 3 are detailed treatments of quantification, numerals, possession, and deixis/anaphora. As in the other volumes, the non-technical style and extensive illustration with classical examples makes the content readable and immediately useful to the widest audience. Key features first publication to investigates the long-term syntactic history of Latin generally accessible to linguists and non-linguists theoretically coherent, formulated in functional-typological terms does not require reading fluency in Latin, since all examples are translated into English Acknowledgments Contents Detailed contents List of abbreviations Prolegomena 1. Background and methodology 2. Historical syntax and Latin 3. The Functional-typological Approach 4. The diachronic dimension 5. Audience 6. Volume 3 Quantification 1. Indefinite pronouns 1.1. The derivation of indefinites 1.2. Indefinites and quantification 1.2.1. The relation between “existential quantifier” and “presupposition of existence” 1.2.2. The distinction “specific/nonspecific” and the presupposition of existence 1.3. Main functional types of indefinites 1.3.1. Specificity and nonspecificity 1.3.2. Knowledge of the speaker 1.3.3. Negation 1.3.4. Negative polarity 1.3.5. Free choice 2. Nonspecific/specific: quis/aliquis 2.1. Quis 2.1.1. The contexts of occurrence of quis 2.2. Aliquis 2.3. Interrogative clauses: ecquis, numquis 2.4. Conditional clauses: most cases of quis, some cases of aliquis 2.5. Indefinites in negative conditionals 2.6. Clauses introduced by ne 2.7. Some special uses of aliquis 2.7.1. Aliquis expresses a quantity 2.7.2. Aliquis is next to a free-choice pronoun 3. Quispiam 3.1. Quispiam in Early and Classical Latin 3.2. Quispiam in Late Latin 3.3. Quispiam in Gellius and Apuleius 4. Knowledge of the speaker 4.1. Semantic enrichment by implicature 4.2. The value of “hedge” 4.3. Plural uses 4.4. Later developments 5. Negation 5.1. Negative indefinite pronouns 5.2. Double negation 5.3. Diachronic change 5.4. Double negation: Different interpretations 5.5. Predicative use of nullus 5.6. Negative indefinites in Late Latin 6. Negative polarity: quisquam 6.1. Quisquam as a semantic negation 6.2. Quisquam as a pragmatic negation 6.3. Quisquam as a negative polarity item in nonnegative contexts 6.4. Quisquam in modal contexts: Problems of NEG-raising 6.5. Quisquam in Late Latin 7. Free choice 7.1. Quiuis, quilibet 7.2. The diachronic source of free-choice indefinites 7.3. Quisquis and quicumque 7.4. Quisquis 7.5. Quicumque 7.6. Quisquis and quicumque in Classical and Late Latin 7.7. The relationship between quisquis and quisque 8. Universal quantifiers 8.1. Totality quantifiers 8.2. The use of totus with pluralia tantum 8.2.1. Castra 8.2.2. Aedes 8.2.3. Moenia 8.3. Plural uses where toti means omnes 8.4. Universal quantifiers 8.5. Disambiguation in Latin 9. Distributive universal quantifiers 9.1. Quisque 9.2. Unusquisque and singuli 9.3. Singuli as a distributive-share quantifier 9.4. Quisque in Late Latin 10. Binary Quantification 10.1. Contrastive coordination: uterque and neuter 10.2. Distributive and collective reading: uterque and ambo 10.3. Disjunction: uteruis and alteruter 10.4. Alter in binary quantification 10.5. Non quantificational uses: alter/alius 10.6. Alter in enumerations 10.7. Some late uses of alter Numerals 1. The system of Latin numerals: categories and their semantics 1.1. Atoms, bases, and operations 1.2. The series of numerals 1.3. Historical changes 1.3.1. The structure of the sequence 1.3.1.1. From Indo-European to Latin 1.3.1.2. Evolution from historical times to Romance 1.3.2. The series of numerals 1.3.2.1. From Indo-European to Latin 1.3.2.2. Cross-patterns 1.3.2.3. The series in Vulgar and Late Latin 1.4. Preliminary conclusions on the semantics of numerals in Latin 2. External Syntax: Numerals as constituents of larger structures 2.1. Numerals and word classes 2.2. Numeral nouns 2.3. Numeral adverbs 2.4. Numeral adjectives 2.4.1. Adjectival numerals 2.4.2. Basic word order of adjectival numerals 2.4.3. Word order within noun phrases of more than two elements 2.4.4. Conclusion 2.5. Preliminary conclusions on the external syntax of numerals 3. The internal syntax of numbers 3.1. The system in pre-Classical and Classical Latin 3.1.1. Addition 3.1.1.1. Morphology 3.1.1.2. More than two additions 3.1.1.3. Non-grammaticalization 3.1.2. Multiplication 3.1.3. Subtraction 3.2. Patterns of development 3.3. Preliminary conclusions on the internal syntax of numerals 4. The evolution of unus into the indefinite article 4.1. The process 4.2. Stages of development 4.3. Causes of the development 4.4. Relationship to quidam and aliquis 5. Summary and conclusions Possession 1. Introduction 1.1. Relevant notions 1.2. Structures and functions: Attributive possession and predicative possession 1.3. Texts and parameters 2. Predicative possession: From the archaic period to Late Latin 2.1. Mihi est x and habeo x 2.1.1. Possessive relations and semantic content 2.1.1.1. [+Human] possessor & [+Human] possessum and kinship relations 2.1.1.2. Body part relations 2.1.1.3. Mental/emotional activities and experiencer 2.1.1.4. Other relations 2.1.2. Agentivity, stativity, and habeo as a “light verb” 2.1.3. Prototypical possession 2.1.4. Habeo x and mihi est x within the discourse 2.1.5. Topic continuity and discourse structure; functional overload of the dative case 2.1.6. Existential constructions and definiteness of possessum 2.1.7. Mihi est x and habeo x: Conclusions 2.2. The genitive construction 2.2.1. The Marci/meus est x type: A general framework 2.2.2. Marci/meus est x versus mihi est x: A contrastive analysis 2.2.3. Conclusions 3. Attributive possession 3.1. A general frame of morphological features and formal structures 3.2. Function and semantics of the possessive noun phrase 3.2.1. Semantic and informational functions 3.2.2. Some remarks on definiteness 3.2.3. Conclusion 3.3. Variation in form and function 3.3.1. Dative marking 3.3.2. Zero-marking and implicit possessors 3.3.3. External possession 3.3.4. Adjectival marking 3.4. Tendencies in word order 4. Conclusions: Diachronic and typological implications 4.1. Predicative possession 4.2. Attributive possession Deixis and anaphora 1. Preliminaries 2. Person 2.1. Paradigmatic oppositions 2.2. The covert feature of person in the deictic system 2.2.1. Looking for the relevant feature of iste 2.2.1.1. Iste as a manifestation of the “emotive” function 2.2.2. Towards a paradigmatic description of the system: markedness and diachrony 2.3. Beyond person 3. Anaphora 3.1. Agreement 3.2. Zero anaphora? 3.3. Reflexive structures 3.3.1. The controller of the reflexive 3.3.2. Long distance reflexives 3.4. The determinative is, ea, id 3.5. Identity: idem, ipse 3.5.1. Interpretative differences as effects of the syntactic context where ipse occurs 3.5.2. The relationship of ipse with the subject function 3.5.3. Developments 4. Notes on the uses of hic/iste/ille/is, discourse organization and syntactic functions 5. Notes on the emergence of new categories 5.1. On the emergence of articles 5.2. On the emergence of clitics 6. Summary and concluding remarks Subject index Index of classical references